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Steve Mokwena
Steve Biko, the leader of South Africa's black consciousness movement, once said:
"People must not give up to the hardship of life, people must develop a hope,
[they must] come together to look at their problems, and in this way build their
humanity." As South Africans work to rebuild a just and caring society in the
post-Apartheid era, their most important challenge is creating a world where young
people can develop to their fullest potential.
The quest to build a free, equal, peaceful, and democratic society was the foundation
of South Africa's struggle against Apartheid. It also undergirds our determined search
for lasting solutions today. Once Apartheid was formally removed from the statute
books, we found ourselves confronted by the daunting task of addressing its ghastly
legacy. Without doubt, the most important challenge that confronts us today is to
create a society where all children and young people can develop to their
fullest potential while playing a central role in rebuilding a new society.
A Glimpse at the Past
South Africa's contemporary reality is framed by a history of political oppression
and economic exclusion. The story begins in earnest with the colonial conquest, land
dispossession, and the systematic subjugation of blacks into servile positions.
The 20th century witnessed the evolution of a carefully crafted system that denied
black people access to political participation and economic mobility. This also led
to the separation of people on the basis of race and ethnicity, and the creation
of impoverished townships (sprawling overcrowded ghettoes like Soweto and Alexander).
Motivated by the need for cheap labor, white people in power created the migrant
labor system which depended on controlling the movement of people through influx
control legislation, separating families, and condemning many to a bleak existence
in "tribal homelands"--rural reserves set aside for blacks based on their
tribal affiliation.
The effects on families and children were horrendous. Generations of black children
grew with the barge of oppression and discrimination, carrying its burden from one
generation to the next. For the vast majority of black people, life was nasty and
brutish. As Steve Biko put it in 1975, "Township life alone makes it a miracle
for anyone to live up to adulthood."
Among the more grotesque innovations of the Apartheid government was the creation
of Bantu education, a system of education developed with the expressed aim of making
sure that black people remain subservient. HF Verwoerd, one of the key architects
of the system, proclaimed:
"There is no place for him [the black person] beyond certain
forms of labor for that reason there is no reason to avail to him a
training which has as its aim absorption in the European community"
This story explains how Apartheid affected every aspect of life for young people,
their families, and communities; and how it continues to affect many today. It also
explains the ferocity of black resistance.
As with all oppressed peoples, black communities are never hapless victims of
a ubiquitous system. South Africa is also a story of resistance. From the outset,
Apartheid was met with vigorous opposition and resistance. Much of the earlier attempts
to find an amicable solution fell on deaf ears. In the 1950s and 60s, the Nationalist
Government responded swiftly and violently to anything that seemed like a threat
to white power--banning all forms of legitimate political opposition, incarcerating
leaders like Nelson Mandela and Robert Sobukwe, and forcing many others into exile.
After a decade of silence, young people rose to challenge the system. The rise of
the black consciousness movement ushered in a new phase of resistance. It was not
until the 1976 student revolt that South Africa was set on an irreversible path towards
change. Young people, mainly students, rose to challenge the Bantu education system,
generating a resistance movement that went well beyond the schoolyard. The decade
between 1976 and 1986 was to be the most decisive and the most violent in the long
struggle against Apartheid as young people took to the streets in unprecedented numbers.
Although young people were affected by these sweeping developments in different ways
and to different extents, hardly anyone growing up in the black townships in this
period was not touched by the heightened climate of political conflict.
The black youth came to be known around the world as South Africa's "young lions."
Their protests, while courageous, were met with vicious government suppression and
exposed young people to deeply traumatic and damaging situations. Observing this
1986, a journalist from Soweto spoke of South Africa as a nation at war with
its future.
" If is true that a people's wealth is its children, then South Africa
is bitterly and tragically poor, if it is true that a nation's future is its children,
we have no future, and deserve none we are a nation at war with its future. For we
have turned our children into battle hardened soldiers who will never know the carefree
joy of childhood. What we are witnessing is the growth of a generation which has
the courage to reject the cowardice of it parents there is a dark and terrible beauty
in that courage. It is also a source of great pride --pride that we who lived under
Apartheid, can produce children who refuse to do so."
--Percy
Qoboza
"What
we are witnessing is the growth of a generation which has the courage to reject the
cowardice of it parents there is a dark and terrible beauty in that courage. It is
also a source of great pride--pride that we who lived under Apartheid, can produce
children who refuse to do so."
A high price for freedom. Once democratic forces triumphed, we were left combing
through the debris, with the full realization that the road to a new society would
be long and hard. What is happening to children and youth today? What are the prospects
for social justice?
Who Are the "Youth"?
In South Africa, "youth" is defined as a group of people between 14 and
35 years of age. This definition is informed mainly by the fact that this generational
cohort of young people, who grew up in the heady days of the struggle, now need assistance
in becoming productive citizens. Even when they reach the legal age of majority at
18, this transition is often blocked (see the sidebar entitled "Dimensions of
Exclusion). This situation is further heightened by sheer numbers: 39 percent of
people living in South Africa today fall within this group--about 16.2 million people,
according to the October Household Survey of 1995. In fact, people 35 years of age
and under comprise 75 percent of all people living in South Africa.
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South Africans are acutely aware
that this broad definition of youth poses a number of challenges. The social experiences
and needs of people who fall within this age group are varied and complex; for example,
the experiences of a 14-year-old young person in 1999, are remarkably different from
a 20-year-old single mother's or a 30-year-old professional's with a family. Developing
policies and programs for this varied and complex group of people is no small feat,
and the impact of Apartheid policies is made more daunting by the sheer numbers involved.
Growing Up in the 1990s
Although the political struggle against Apartheid has been won, young people continue
to face enormous burdens on their path towards adulthood. Political enfranchisement
has not translated into economic and social opportunities. Many young people (particularly
black youth) are marginalized or excluded from power, resources, and opportunities.
They carry a disproportionate share of the brunt of a system that has distorted access
to opportunity by race, class, as well as gender.
The Plight of Young Women
Although young men and young women have common challenges, young women are subjected
to further exclusion by cultural and social expectations. My research shows some
disturbing trends:
- Young boys are more likely than
girls to attend schools.
- Of the young women who do go
to school, many drop out early due to pregnancy.
- Young women contend with violence
and harassment on a daily basis.
- As a result--not surprisingly--there
are lower numbers of young women in education and in the work force.
Class Struggles
Overall access to proper education, skills, and economic opportunities are the trajectories
of the middle- and upper-class groups--mostly male and white--and recently a small
but growing black middle- and upper-class. Poverty and exclusion has its most vivid
manifestations in the realm of the individual, the family, and community life. Regrettably,
growing up in a stable and caring family--with access to health care and other basic
services, the ability to acquire education and training towards employment, and establishing
a sustainable livelihood--is a path open only to a few. It is still a privilege and
not a right.
Marginalization of the Black Community
The situation of young people is a barometer of a society struggling with a history
of political oppression and economic exclusion. Comparing the situation of black
youth to that of African-American communities in the U.S., Dr. Mamphela pointed
out that what was happening to youth was "a symptom of a deeper malaise the
rapid downward spiral towards the disintegration of the fabric of the black community."
It is with this understanding that advocates for youth development under the leadership
of Sheila Sisulu--South Africa's current Ambassador to the U.S., and a leading advocate
for young people in South Africa--insisted from the outset that "Marginalization,
if a not a necessary condition of youth, is a problem of society and society must
address it"
The challenge to build a more caring and just society is as urgent today as it was
in 1994, when the first democratic government came to power.
Reclaiming the Future: Towards a Just and Caring Society
The creation of a democratic society where all people have the right to vote and
participate in governing the country is a significant victory and a powerful milestone
on the road to a new society.
The creation
of a democratic society where all people have the right to vote and participate in
governing the country is a significant victory and a powerful milestone on the road
to a new society.
The new government has made major strides by promulgating new laws. These laws are
aimed at protecting children from abuse and neglect, providing equitable and appropriate
access to education and training, access to economic opportunities, as well as facilitating
the representation of young people in policy making and governance.
While some of these policies have had the desired impact, others are yet to have
a full effect--and several have to be reconsidered and redrawn. One thing, however,
is clear: the government has prioritized the participation of young people in policy
and governance.
The Youth Act of 1995, for example, led to the establishment of the National Youth
Commission (NYC), a broad-based structure comprised of young people whose primary
purpose is to ensure that the concerns and needs of young people become integral
to all major government policies and strategies. The NYC has now developed a comprehensive
Youth Policy Document and has proposed major legislation for a National Youth Service
Program.
Although the NYC represents a positive political statement from the new government,
it faces major challenges in the years ahead, particularly in remaining connected
and accountable to young people. South Africans are keenly aware of these challenges,
and the difficulty in translating policy into action. Major hurdles include limited
financial resources, limited human resources, lack of expertise within government
to implement new policies, and the formidable task of transforming a bureaucracy
that was designed to control blacks and uphold white interests. Not surprisingly,
the process of change has been marked fits and starts.
The Challenge of Youth Organizing in the Post-Apartheid Era
"Young people are the country's greatest resource, without them there can
be no future"
--President
Nelson Mandela
Since 1994, there has been a steady
decline in the numbers of young people seeking organized change. Some of the reasons
are outlined below.
Changing nature of politics
As politics have become more "normal" and formalized, there is less
momentum for grassroots organizing. Because political youth organizations are now
subject to party policy and formal party structures, the sense of immediacy that
was present before the transition to democracy has been lost. It is quite telling
that the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) reported that the majority of young
people are not expected to turn up at the polls in the next election, as many of
them had not bothered to register. The extent of young people's participation in
the national election is going to be a real indicator of young people's faith in
the formal political process.
Changing demographics
Many young people who were engaged and active in the 1980s have either "grown
up" or do not see themselves as youth activists--or activists of any kind. The
younger generation--those who were born in the 1980s and grw up 1990s--do not share
the experience of heightened resistance and political mobilization.
Creation of formal channels
Bodies such as the NYC, that represent young people's voice in government, introduce
a new culture of political engagement that does not easily lend itself towards galvanizing
popular action. As such, bodies become appendages of the state and are not naturally
inclined to confront the state over issues; nor are they positioned to generate grass-roots
mobilizations for issues that affect young people.
In spite of this, there are signs that some groups are focusing on localized struggles,
and continue to raise their issues. For instance, youth-led and membership-based
organizations of young people have come together to establish the South African Youth
Council (SAYC), a civil society counterpart to the National Youth Commission (NYC).
This has the potential for a vigorous engagement of government by youth-based organizations.
In addition, since 1994, student organizations such as the South African Student's
Congress (SASCO) have consistently challenged university authorities as well as the
government to wider access for black students into higher education.
Since 1994,
student organizations such as the South African Student's Congress (SASCO) have consistently
challenged university authorities as well as the government to wider access for black
students into higher education.
The nature of youth organizing has changed in fundamental ways; it is up to young
people today to find creative ways of raising their concerns and continue to agitate
for change.
Building a Strong Youth Development Sector
South Africa has witnessed the slow birth of a youth development sector, comprised
mainly of formal Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) that lobby for policy and provide
services for young people. While they have often acted in collaboration with mass-based
youth organizations, they are different from them and as such face distinct challenges
(see the sidebar below).
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Attempts to build the youth development
sector began in 1990, through the work of the Joint Enrichment Project (JEP), and
under the leadership of Sheila Sisulu. (The Youth Work Scheme sidebar that follows
describes another example of JEP's work.) JEP initiated a research and consultation
process that led to the articulation of a national vision and agenda. Under a fledging
rubric of youth development, these organizations gave expression to the collective
aspirations of young people and provided a coherent basis for articulating solutions.
Due to a combination of leadership and mangerial problems, however, the sector suffered
serious setbacks as organizations struggled to establish durable institutional frameworks.
Financial problems were also a concern, particularly in youth-serving NGOs; many
donors focused their attention on the new government, while others stopped their
funding altogether. In their estimation, Apartheid was "dead."
Fortunately, while many have disappeared, a core of strong organizations have survived
and continue to renew their mandate and seek innovative ways of remaining self-sustaining.
In some cases, organizations have found ways of collaborating with some government
departments.
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Conclusion: The Road Ahead
Change and development does not depend solely on government and organized strategies.
As we look to the future, we must acknowledge the ordinary people who have developed
a range of survival strategies and positive coping mechanisms. These policies, though
invisible, facilitate the delicate and intricate networks through which ordinary
people help the children in their communities and each other. These people--the invisible
weavers of the social fabric--are ordinary men and women, young and old, who
continue doing what has to be done, regardless of who is in power, and what the policy
is or is not. They stand between hope and despair, and lead the way to the road ahead.
More and
more youth development advocates are coming to terms with the fact that the building
of a just and caring society is much more than rolling out large-scale special projects
to mop up an ill-fated generation.
Thankfully, South Africa has had a successful second democratic election, paving
the way for a fundamental transformation process to take root. There is no doubt
that the demand for real change will be even more urgent. More and more youth
development advocates are coming to terms with the fact that the building of a just
and caring society is much more than rolling out large-scale special projects to
mop up an ill-fated generation. The quest for social justice is much deeper, it is
about restoring the developmental foundation of society by working with young people,
families, and communities.
Author
Bio (back
to top)
Steve Mokwena joined the International Youth
Foundation in May 1998. He is responsible for developing and managing IYF's strategy
for learning and exchange of knowledge on effective strategies of meeting the needs
of youth. Before moving to the U.S. from Soweto, Steve served as the Chief Executive
Officer of the National Youth Commission in the Office of the Deputy President, and
before that, as the director of the Joint Enrichment Project. Steve obtained his
BA honors degree from the University of Witwatersrand in South Africa and a Masters
degree in Development Studies from the University of Leeds in the United Kingdom. |
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